Content
Chapter 1, control, made to measure
Chapter 2, administrative apartheid
Chapter 3,Mobil Surveillance of Foreigners
Chapter 4, Own people, first or last?
Chapter 5, Exclusion as an ideological instrument
Chapter 6, And technology, it grew on ...
Own people, first or last?
Refugees are not considered as citizens. States do not view
them as their property, which then also means they do not have
to be protected. In the thirties they were registered and
treated in a different way from Dutch citizens and when the
war breaks out in 1939, the distrust against them grows.
Even with the persecution of jews there is still a difference
being made between jewish refugees and Dutch jews. Concerning
the anti-jewish measures the Dutch authorities are of the
opinion: own people last, foreign jews go first.
men of paper
Ruling of the Accountancy of Population in 1936: 'A person who
is born in the Netherlands, lives there, or takes up one's
residence, has to be registered on a personal card.' The new
personal card will follow the person from 'the cradle to the
grave'. When the person moves, leaves the country or passes
away, it will all be noted on the card.
The inventor of the card, Lentz, director of the Governmental
Inspection Service Population Registers, had wanted more.
There was more than enough space on the card to register if
the person concerned had 'a hare-lip, nomadic inclinations,
was receiving pension, deficient, infertile, blind, pauper,
put in ward'. It would not come to that, but a contemporary of
Lentz noticed triumphantly that: "Nowhere in the world one can
find a population register which, in completeness and accu-
racy, can compare to ours".
Lentz's paper person -the Dutch citizen- is not only regis-
tered on a personal card. S/He lives in house as well, which
is also registered in a different housing register. Not regis-
tered in the Housing Register are vagabonds and tramps, since
they do not live in a house, but they do live within the
boundaries of the country. They are not very steadfast and
move a lot, the same goes for gypsies and people living in
caravans. Do they actually have a nationality? And to which
state do they belong?
And then there are the refugees. In the twenties they mostly
come from Eastern Europe. They are Polish jews and stateless
jews, who became stateless in wars where existing states
vanished and new ones arose. After 1933 more and more German
jews are coming, but also still Polish jews, not being welcome
in Germany. They are not very welcome in the Netherlands
either. The Polish even less than the Germans, since they are
poorer. Not a lot of them have work. If they do, then it is
hardly in their advantage. Because if refugees are working
then Dutch citizens are not. They, the foreigners, take the
work from the Dutch. That is why, in 1934, a Bill for foreign
employees is introduced, the 'Bill for Arrangement of Labour
by Foreigners'. When in a certain branch of industry Dutch
employees are available they will be given preference to the
foreigners. Own people first, so to say. Work is a problem,
but not having work also, because without work you do not have
'sufficient means of living'. This in turn will lead to prob-
lems with your residence permit. If you do not have a resi-
dence permit, you are illegal etc. etc...
Dachau number 2
19 december 1938 the department of Internal Affairs decrees a
'registration for jewish and non-arian refugees'. The decree
is in order for refugees coming into the Netherlands after
march 1, 1938. This date is not chosen randomly. In march a
massive exodus has begun of jews from Austria, that has just
been annexed by the Germans. After the 'Kristallnacht' in
november 1938 large numbers of jews from Germany follow.
These 'jewish and so-called non-arian refugees' are not regis-
tered in the population register for the first five years of
their residence in the Netherlands. For them no personal card
in the communal population register, but they do get different
cards in a different personal register. Light green for men
and pink cards for women.1
If you were living in a camp, you were usually registered
twice to be on the safe side, once in the campregistration and
once in the registration for refugees of the community where
the camp was. In Amsterdam this was the case with the people
living in the erstwhile quarantine institution on the Zeebur-
gerdijk.2 First German jewish children had stayed there under
the supervision of the Ministry of the Interior. Later two
hundred adult refugees came. They had legally entered the
Netherlands, that is to say they had already gotten permission
to enter the Netherlands through an official borderpost with
Germany. Because of this, they were under the responsibility
of the Ministry of Interior (illegal refugees were the respon-
sibility of the Ministry of Justice).3 Despite their official
status they were heavily guarded: the outside of the camp by
the police of Amsterdam, the inside by governmental village
police men (rijksveldwachters).
In a report about the camp, an inspector of police writes:
'With respect to the new inhabitants of the camp other -
stricter- security measures will have to be in operation than
those for children. (...) It will be supervised that no per-
sons from outside the gate will keep contact with the inhabit-
ants of the camp, while irregular leave of the people living
in the camp will be countered.'4 You were only allowed to leave
the camp at certain occasions and with a valid identification
paper from the commander of the camp. If you went outside
without permission, then expulsion threatened: to the country
of origin. Your future was full of uncertainties. Even if you
had legally entered the country, the best you could hope for
was a residence permit of ten to thirty days. After that term
the foreigners police would evaluate each time anew, if you
could stay.
If you were illegally residing in the Netherlands, things were
looking even worse. If you were held somewhere, you could be
sure of expulsion to the murderous country of origin. If you
were a legal illegal immigrant, that is not having a residence
permit but being known to the authorities, then you would end
up in a camp under the surveillance of the Ministry of Jus-
tice. Expulsion was not out of the question.
Erwin Kumpelmacher was an illegal refugee. Initially he stayed
in a pension in Amsterdam until he had to report to the
foreigners police. 'In a back alley I see a number of busses
standing, which makes me think.' The thing he is scared of,
actually happens: he and hundreds of others are loaded into
the busses and have to leave Amsterdam. They have no idea
where they are going to. To the east, that at least is clear.
Germany, is the worst fear of Kumpelmacher. Eventually, after
a ten hours drive, they come to Veenhuizen, where they are put
in the internment camp Norg. Windows with bars in front, gates
and fences with barbed wire. 'Dachau number 2, somebody said
behind me.'5
Every 'jewish and non-arian refugee' was registered once,
twice , sometimes threefold on different cards since the
Regulation of december 1938. Illegal refugees did not bring it
that far though. They were virtually nameless, somewhere in a
camp in Veenhuizen or a school in Reuver. Usually they were
just temporarily entered in the camp registration and then
with a flick of a pen deleted again. Arrived from where? And
often disappeared again, without leaving a trace.
Especially the Governmental Service for Foreigners was keen on
not officially registering illegal foreigners. The Service was
afraid that their expulsion would be made more difficult when
they were registered. They might try to obtain rights from
registration.
Non-registration of illegal and separate registration of legal
refugees, of course meant the loss of uniformity in the Dutch
Population Register. This while the inventor, Lentz, had set
up the accounting system so that every individual, every group
could be fitted in, without any major problems. But Lentz also
thought, like the Governmental Service for Foreigners, that
registration was a privilege, not in the reach of everyone.
One became a citizen through registration and through regis-
tration a piece of the state itself; property that should be
defended against intruders.
War in Europe
In september 1939 war is over Europe, again. One of the many
measures taken is the furnishing of distribution papers. Again
the position of legal, illegal, stateless and therefor right-
less refugees is questioned. Every Dutch citizen got a dis-
tribution master card6 with which supplies could be obtained.
Besides that owning such a card meant that one was registered
in the population register.
And the refugees? They were not registered in the population
register. Did they have to live of the air, did they not need
a distribution card? Of course they did, the distribution was
for everyone, no distinction was made, everyone has to eat. So
there had to come distribution cards for the refugees as well,
but how? By first registering them in the population register?
But then they threatened to become citizens with all kinds of
rights.
On september 5 1939 Lentz writes to his 'amice' Sijdzes,
director of the Amsterdam Population Register about the dis-
tributions papers for refugees: 'the best thing would be to
furnish them with distribution coupons every now and then. I
think it would be useful, for those people to show themselves
once in a while.'7 But if that is not possible, than they will
be given a master card, be it a different one than for the
real Dutch, with another colour.
And that is what happened. In Amsterdam the jewish refugees
get a distribution card in october. The colour is different
indeed: instead of green, it is red, and the provision is
separated from the normal ones. The non-arian refugees can get
their card in the Diamond Exchange on the Weesper square. The
camp people of the Zeeburgerdijk and the guests of the Lloyd
refugee hotel also have to report there. Of course they have
to have an identification paper of the camp commander, to go
outside the camp.
The war approaches. In april 1940 the German army invades
Norway and in the Netherlands martial law is proclaimed. Fear
of the strange enemy is growing and with that the distrust to
everything that is foreign within the own boundaries. In
Amsterdam there are 23,500 foreigners in 1940, which are
controlled by the foreigners service of the police, police
superintendent Stoett is in charge of 7 inspectors and 36
detectives.8 The service regularly sends its detectives into
town for 'strict checks'. Especially in the areas of town
where the bars are, like the Leidseplein, people are stopped
and asked for papers. Especially of people who look or talk
strangely, that is make the impression of being illegal.9
May 6 on the Minervaplein seventy to eighty , mostly German,
refugees are arrested and taken to the police head quarters.
There their papers, passports and residence permits are
checked.10
War in the Netherlands
Four days later, again refugees are arrested, but this time a
lot more then on may 6. The war has actually started, the
Enemy has invaded the Fatherland and would without doubt, like
a real Enemy, also attack from behind. Everywhere disguised
agents were suspected. A foreign accent or a non-national
appearance, in the eyes of the police, was enough to be
arrested. Hundreds of foreign jews together with German and
Dutch national-socialists were arrested in Amsterdam and
detained in hangars. Others were interned in Hoorn, the former
State Labour Penal Institution.
The refugees in the camps had to stay there and in some cases,
like in Westerbork, it was decided to evacuate the camp. In
Westerbork there were 750 legal and illegal jewish refugees,
which were evacuated to Leeuwarden on may 10. As of may 11
they changed quarters continuously because: some 'showed a
certain fear to harbour German jews under the circumstances'.11
Housing this group, that 'did not look particularly attractive
after the hasty retreat from the camp' stayed difficult. On
may 21, after roving around for almost two weeks, the company
returned to Westerbork, waiting for what would happen.
In the mean while in Amsterdam, where most of the foreigners
were staying, many had committed suicide since the German
entry in the city of may 15. A satisfied functionary of the
Einsatzkommando III der Sicherheitspolizei reports the follow-
ing: 'Wie mir der Leiter der hiesigen Kriminalpolizei glaub-
wrdig mitteilte, sind in der nacht von 15. zum 16.5.1940,
also kurz nach der Kapitulation der Niederlnde, insgesamt
ber 80 Selbstmorde in der Stadt Amsterdam festgestellt word-
en. An den folgenden Tagen kamen noch etwa 40 dazu, so dass
sich nachdem die Anzahl der Selbstmorde in der Stadt Amsterdam
auf bisher 120 bis 130 ...'
'Like the commander of the criminal police here credibly
reported to me, there have been over 80 cases of suicide in
Amsterdam in the night of 15. on 16.5.1940, shortly after the
capitulation of the Netherlands. The next day another 40 were
reported, thus bringing the total number of suicides in Am-
sterdam until now, to 120 to 130 ...' (the rest is illegible
J.S.) 12 13 14
Guinea-pigs
The refugees were arrested, leave, sometimes return, are
arrested again, this time by the new people in power, commit
suicide. They are always on the move, or to be correct they
are always moved around. Because without permission they are
not allowed to leave. On june 24 1940 secretary-general Tenk-
ink of the Ministry of Justice declares: 'refugees who have
entered after march 1 1938, can not change their domicile to
another community without previously getting my permission'.15
Four days later Tenkink's claim follows that all 'non-arian
foreigners' which have left Germany after 1 january 1933 have
to report to the local police in order to enable a central
registration of all non-arian foreigners, 'in view of direc-
tions received by me'.16
The most unreliable among them, for example those who are both
communist and jew, were arrested by the Sicherheitspolizei in
cooperation with the Dutch police. This concerned people who
reported to the distribution offices like everyone, and then
were arrested by the Dutch police, working with lists of
foreigners, and transferred to the Sicherheitspolizei.17 'Wei-
ter wurden folgenden bereits vor Ausbruch des Krieges durch
die Hollndische polizei festgenommen und im Internierungs-
lager Nieuwersluis untergebrachten Deutschen Emigranten von
der Einsatzgruppen bernommen.'18
'Further German Immigrants were transferred to the Einsatz-
gruppen, who had already been arrested and detained in Intern-
ment camp Nieuwersluis, before the start of the war'.18
The non-arian foreigners undergo from the first what many of
the other jews will experience later. 'Guinea pigs' they have
been called and that they already were before the Enemy
invaded the country.19 Registration, raids and forced trans-
ports were their share, even before the German forces arrived.
After may 15 this went on, sometimes in cooperation with, and
also under pressure of, the German authorities. But whatever
happened under pressure of the Germans - prohibition of moving
by non-dutch jews, their forced moving from the coastal area
in september 1940 and again registration- to the Dutch autho-
rities they remained regulations directed at foreigners. The
Germans did not touch citizens belonging to the Dutch state.
For the time being these properties were left in peace and did
not have to be defended by the Dutch state.20
Alfred Kohn and Ernst Cahn
Alfred Kohn and Ernst Cahn are German-jewish immigrants. They
own two ice-cream parlours -named KoCo- in Amsterdam South-
East. On february 19 1941, the German Ordnungspolizei force
their way in to the parlour in the van Woustraat. According to
the Germans there they were sprayed with a corrosive liquid
and shot at. Probably this is not true, but who cares about
the truth? Cahn and Kohn are German jews and therefor
arrested. On march 3 1941 Ernst Cahn is executed by the fir-
ing-squad. He, being a German jew, is the first in the Nether-
lands to be stricken by such a fate.
What follows after the arrest of Kohn and Cahn, is known. As a
reprisal for the acting of 'jdische Emigranten' two raids
follow at 22 and 23 february in which 425 jewish men are
arrested. In reaction to that Amsterdam is hit by a major
strike on 25 february. Less well known, but at least as remar-
kable, is the position of jewish refugees in the days of
february 1941.
When the strike is over and the German authorities are looking
for the guilty and responsible of the strike, one of them is
of the opinion that the raids could better be held among
German jews instead of in the jewish areas of Amsterdam:
'Meines Erachtens wre die Erregung der Amsterdamer Bevlke-
rung wesentlich geringer gewesen, wenn man die Geiselaktion
gegen die in Amsterdam-Sd sesshaften jdischen Emigranten
durchgefhrt htte.'21
'In my opinion the aggravation of the people of Amsterdam
would have been less when the hostage-action had been directed
to the in south-Amsterdam living jewish immigrants.'21
Without clear reason this assumption that a raid under jewish
immigrants would have led to less protest? Maybe, but a pro-
posal of the Dutch authorities points in the same direction:
'Would it be possible to accomplish to exchange 400 jewish
immigrants for 400 Dutch jews?'22 It was unreasonable to let
Dutch people, although they were jewish, be punished for
something immigrants did. Or in the words of the same Dutch
authorities: 'the Dutch sense of justice has been offended by
the fact that one can see no connection between possible
immigrant-riots and mistreatment and deportation of 400 jews
from the Netherlands.'23
The next raid in Amsterdam, june 1941, was probably more in
concurrence with the Dutch sense of justice in its choice of
victims: this time mainly immigrants were arrested.
The German authorities would respect the exceptional status of
the non-Dutch jews. The foreigners would be first at a lot of
anti-jewish measures: in december 1941 they were the first to
report for 'voluntarily emigration' and when beginning 1942
the jews have to leave the province of Amsterdam, the destina-
tion for the foreign jews is already Westerbork.
On june 22 1942 Obersturmbahnfhrer Eichmann announces that
there a start can be made with the 'Arbeitseinsatz in Ausch-
witz' (workdeployment in Auschwitz) for 400,000 Dutch jews.
Other German institutions have no objection, but would like to
see that the foreign jews were the first to leave: because of
'psychologische Rckwirkungen' (psychological reactions) it
would be better the non-Dutch first 'zu erfassen' (to get a
hold of).24
Notes
1 Rijksinstituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie (RvO) CNO BIZA 159
e, box 104
2 Quarantaine-institution, originaly there the infectously ill
were isolated.
3 Camps for illegals were a.o. in Hoek van Holland, Reuver,
Hellevoetsluis and Norg. The housing was far worse then in the
'legal' camps, the food better and the regime much more
strict. See: D. Cohen, Zwervend en dolend. De joodse vluchte-
lingen in de jaren 1933-1940, z.p. 1955 p.130
4 C.K. Berghuis, Joodse vluchtelingen in Nederland 38-40.
Documenten betreffende toelating, uitleiding en kampopname.
Kampen z.j. Rapport inspecteur van politie Bessems 8 januari
1939, p.68
5 Diary of Erwin Kumpelmacher 1 january 1938 - 31 december
1938. In: Berghuis, Joodse vluchtelingen in Nederland 38-40,
p.51-52
6 A distribution mastercard is a kind of identity paper with
which distribution coupons could be obtained and with those
coupons products could be obtained that were rationed.
7 Afdeling Burgerlijke Stand en Bevolkingsregister en verkie-
zingen, GAA 5176, map 103 (distributie)
8 Yearreport Gemeente Amsterdam 1940. Police (GAA)
9 de Telegraaf 1 february 1940 (morning paper) and 13 march
1940 (evening paper)
10 Volksdagblad 6 may 1940
11 J. Koolhaas Reevers, Evacuaties in Nederland 1939-1940.
z.p., 1950, p.266
12 RvO, collection 206, 500-3-151, Lage bericht Einsatz-
kommando III, 3 june 1940
13 RvO, collection 206, 500-3-151. Lagebericht Einsatzkommando
III, 3 june 1940
14 RvO 206, 500-3-155, Lagebericht Einsatzkommando III SIPO 3
june
15 RvO, CNO Departement van Justitie 19 L
16 Idem
17 RvO, Meldungen aus die Niederlanden 3 6 july 1940. HSSPF
28a
18 RVo, collection 206, 500-3-151, Lagebericht Einsatzkommando
Sipo/SD III, 3 june 1940
19 J. Presser, Ondergang, Den Haag 1985. part i, p.421
20 Like the Dutch authorities the French state did not con-
sider foreign refugees as its citizens. They did not need
protection from German measures. When the Germans interfered
with French citizens matters were different. That was con-
ceived as an attack on French sovereignity. The reaction was
then: self-defense.
'The refugees were poor, alone and conspicuous. Above all,
they had too little protection. (...) These immigrants were
more vulnerable to anti-Jewish action than the established
segment. (...) In France, Jewish immgrants were sacrificed in
an attempt to save the long-assimilated Jews.' R. Hilberg, The
destruction of the European Jews. New York 1985, p.569
21 RvO 10-22, Letter of Hans Bhmcker to Seyss-Inquart 8 march
1941
22 RvO CNO, minutes of the secretary-general 27 february 1941.
The secretary-generals were the highest Dutch authorities in
the occupied Netherlands.
23 Idem
24 Presser, Ondergang, p. 246-247. In the end everything
worked out far more chaotic than expected. In the first train
which leaves from Westerbork to Auschwitz on 15 july 1942,
there are 950 Jews from Amsterdam, Dutch and non-Dutch, 50
orphans and 100 adults from the camp itself. This group of 150
people consisted of foreign Jews only. See: F. Schwarz, Trei-
nen op een dood spoor, Amsterdam 194, p.113-114
